College of Social and Behavioral Science
137 Gender and Sexuality in Agriculture: Comparing U.S. and Salt Lake City, UT Experiences
Melissa Phelps; Talula Pontuti; and Adrienne Cachelin
Faculty Mentor: Adrienne Cachelin (School of Environment, Society, and Sustainability)
Introduction
In many societies, jobs are traditionally associated with gender roles. Men are expected to perform physically demanding work, such as farming and construction, and are often viewed as primary providers. Women, on the other hand, are expected to stay home, care for children, clean, and cook (Leslie et al., 2019). While Hyde et al. (2019) note gender is not inherently binary, many aspects of professional culture reinforce the idea that it is. Salt Lake City, UT (SLC) farmers have a diversity of gender identities and sexual orientations and this thesis seeks to explore how these identities are framed in the U.S. and how they compare to these specific experiences and narratives within SLC (Pontuti, 2025 in prep). Through interviews conducted with farmworkers in SLC and a national literature review of the experiences of farmworkers’ intersecting identities in the U.S., we can uncover more nuanced understandings of how people are experiencing farming in varying contexts in the U.S.
It’s important to understand gender and sexuality as linked but distinct aspects of identity. Gender and gender expression refer to how a person presents or identifies with masculinity or femininity in a broad and inclusive way (Hyde et al., 2019). Sexuality refers to a person’s sexual or romantic identity and who they choose to engage with sexually and/or romantically (Michigan State University, 2025). Gender is influenced by societal and cultural norms. From birth, children are typically assigned pink or blue items based on their physical gender characteristics (Rahman et al., 2023). Certain characteristics are socially classified as either feminine or masculine. We recognize that not all individuals who identify with the LGBTQIA+ community identify as queer; however, this terminology is used interchangeably in this paper given the way data were collected.
In Western cultures, it has long been considered a binary concept, reinforced throughout a person’s life. Many factors influence one’s gender identity. In the 1960s, the prevailing belief was that diverse gender expressions were a mental illness caused by paternal neglect and excessive maternal nurturing (Polderman et al., 2018). However, research has since shown that gender identity is influenced by a combination of biological and psychological factors. Genetic factors and hormones, such as testosterone, are often associated with one’s sexual orientation (Roselli, 2019). Cultural and social influences have also been found to correlate with gender identity. Psychological factors, including self-concept and cognitive development, also play a role in shaping gender identity. Additionally, gender roles and cultural norms can influence how gender is expressed and constructed (Fiveable, 2024).
With this understanding of gender identity and preliminary data concerning urban farmers in SLC, we explore the experiences of farmers and farmworkers. Members of the LGBTQIA+ community often face discrimination in the agriculture industry. Many have reported feeling unsafe in the workplace and experiencing harassment from coworkers (Cramer, 2020). On the other hand, community gardens are known for their inclusivity and for fostering a sense of belonging, providing healing spaces for individuals with diverse sexual identities (Turner et al., 2021). This study seeks to understand the experiences of gender diverse farmers in different agriculture context across the U.S.
Methods
To explore the experiences of gender and sexuality identities in the agricultural sector, we explored local interview data and completed a literature review.
Interviews
Participants included individuals who had worked on a commercial farm located within the Salt Lake City municipal boundaries between 2019 and 2024. These participants were identified through a comprehensive list of commercial farms in SLC generated in collaboration with community partners and the SLC Sustainability Department. Further recruitment was facilitated through existing professional relationships between the research team and local farmworkers. We also used snowball sampling, where initial participants referred additional eligible individuals to the study (Etikan et al., 2016). In total, twenty-three individuals from ten commercial farms were interviewed.
Data were collected through semi-structured interviews conducted between November 2023 and August 2024. Interviews lasted approximately one hour and were held at a location selected by each participant, including farms, public libraries, and cafes. All participants provided informed consent prior to the interview and were compensated for their time and knowledge sharing. The interview was designed to elicit participants’ perspectives on workplace dynamics and broader issues in agriculture. Core topics included access to healthcare, community connections, workplace safety, economic resources, power dynamics, and goals related to the food system. While the interview did include prompts about gender identity and its influence in agricultural workspaces, participants frequently brought up gender and sexuality organically throughout the conversation.
Researchers analyzed the interview transcripts using ATLAS.ti as a tool to support qualitative coding. For this study, we focused our analysis on the theme of gender and sexuality, which we defined as any reference to gender and sexuality in farmers’ lives or work. Both researchers independently coded all transcripts and later resolved any discrepancies and reach consensus on final coding. This analytical coding process centers specifically on how participants discussed gender and sexuality within the context of their work in commercial agriculture (Cope, 2021).
Literature
In order to gain an understanding of farmer identities, we conducted a review of relevant literature to contextualize our findings within broader scholarly discourse. The literature search was performed by using the University of Utah’s J. Willard Marriott Library database, with supplementary searches conducted on Google Scholar and Google. Keywords used included “queer,” “agriculture,” “gender,” “identity,” “LGBTQIA+,” “power dynamics,” “gender expression in agriculture,” and “commercial agriculture,” among others. The criteria for article relevance included publications within the period of 2000 to 2025 and a focus on gender identity experiences in the U.S. In all, we reviewed twenty articles that met these criteria.
Results Part 1: Literature Review
Four distinct lines of inquiry were identified in our review of academic research articles, community reports and news articles including gendered labor roles, privilege and gender awareness, safety and trust, access to healthcare and power dynamics in agriculture. Seeking common themes in the literature helped us to better contextualize local data within a national scope.
Gendered Labor Roles
In agriculture, heteronormative practices are prevalent. Historically, educational programs such as the 4-H program exemplify how gender roles were influenced in agriculture. Lesson plans introduced heterosexual relationships and instilled the idea that males were responsible for generating revenue as farmers and businessmen and the women played the role of farmer’s wife (Leslie et al., 2019). As of 2018, 4-H has recognized and allows the participation of LGBTQIA+ community members. However, the Trump administration revoked the inclusion of LGBTQIA+ community members and continues to push for heteronormative behaviors to be taught in the program (Crowder & Clayworth, 2018).
Geography plays a role in how gender expressions are perceived. Rural areas tend to be less accepting of gender diverse roles in their farm practices while more urban areas tend to be more accepting with more varied gender representation (Wilbers et al., 2004; Leslie et al., 2019). This trend can be seen across the U.S. with multiple reports stating that queer people who work in rural agricultural environments experience discrimination in the face of more Euro-dominant farm practices (Nadasdy, 2003). For example, women who are partnered with another women are more likely to have a farm in an urban area than a man who is partnered with another man due to discrimination and discomfort of farming in a rural area (Joseph et al., 2024).
Access to Healthcare
Accessing healthcare is crucial for maintaining a healthy body and mind, which is necessary to perform one’s job. However, the agriculture industry is not designed to support queer farmers, and they often struggle to access the same resources as their heteronormative counterparts. The National Young Farmers Survey found that 78 percent of young farmers said they worked on a farm in a rural area. Queer and trans farmers often struggle to have their voices heard, as they are a minority in the farming industry. Legislative actions have denied trans people access to healthcare, and the lack of non-discrimination protections has left queer farmers vulnerable to discrimination in healthcare. It is also noted that queer BIPOC farmers face even greater challenges when trying to get access to healthcare resources (Burdsall, 2023).
In some cases, farms are located in rural areas, presenting additional challenges in accessing health care. Doctors who are knowledgeable about and affirming of LGBTQIA+ identities may be located far away, requiring farmworkers to take time off work to attend appointments adding both logistical and financial burdens (MHP Salud, 2025). The introduction of online consultations and virtual therapy has improved access to certain health care services, contributing to better physical and mental health outcomes for remote farmworkers. However, these services can be expensive, and some medical needs cannot be adequately addressed in a virtual setting (Renner et al., 2021).
Safety in the Workplace
Being a queer farmer in a predominately white, cisgendered community can introduce unsafe situations and lack of acceptance in the agriculture industry (Cramer, 2020). Farmworkers who identify as part of the LGBTQIA+ community and are also BIPOC reported feeling unsafe and not accepted in the rural farming area where they work. They felt like they needed to hide their identity when they went to get farm supplies (Guha, 2024). Farmers identifying as lesbian have faced discrimination in rural areas while trying to create an inclusive environment for all gender and sexual identities (Cramer, 2020).
These dynamics seem to be changing as different farms in the U.S. seek to provide safe spaces and access to land for queer farmers. In North Carolina, there is a group that is trying to provide an inclusive environment where queer farmers can engage in agricultural practices, social gatherings, and educational programs (Pierce, 2024). There are also programs in SLC and
New Mexico that seek to change the narrative of farming and support marginalized communities. These programs include providing access to a safe community through events that seek to connect all gender identities with farming (Larsen, 2024; The Guardian, 2023). In this way, there are many attempts to invite queer individuals to explore their identity in nature and challenge the perception that farming is a heteronormative activity.
Power Dynamics in Agriculture
The agricultural industry is historically male-dominated, making it difficult to navigate for women and individuals who identify as part of the LGBTQIA+ community (Miller, 2001). For example, some agricultural organizations have policies that limit women’s advancement into certain positions by restricting access to training, reinforcing traditional gender norms. These policies restrict women’s access to administrative roles and diminish their influence in the workplace. As a result, such power imbalances have contributed to hostile work environments (Acker, 2006).
A more subtle but equally impactful example of uneven power dynamics is the reportedly intersectional gendered reception of farmers in traditional agricultural communities. In one scenario, the male partner was often able to navigate their community with relative ease, while his partner, a mixed-race queer woman, reported feeling as if she was not taken seriously and perceived merely as “the farmer’s wife.” She also experienced discrimination when visiting local farm stores alone. This ongoing bias led the couple to disengage from local financial institutions, reducing their access to funding (Ackoff et al., 2022).
Empowerment
“Queering farming” is a term used on a farm in New Mexico that seeks to reimagine agriculture, as highlighted in work by Burdsall (2023). They have invited queer and BIPOC farmers—who may not have access to land—to join them, embrace their identities, and challenge the cis-heteropatriarchal framework that exists in some farming spaces. The farm aims to use the space they have created to build a better vision for agriculture and to help others recognize that building a relationship with the land is more important than the profit that can be made from it (Burdsall, 2023). And this seems to be an emerging trend.
A co-op in SLC is providing a safe space for LGBTQIA+ individuals to engage in community building, learn about land stewardship, and educate others about land access and food sovereignty. The author, Larsen (2024), highlights the work this co-op is doing, through challenging the binary thinking that is prevalent in some agricultural spaces. This co-op is changing the way queer individuals can thrive in a farm-based landscape by hosting monthly events to get community members involved, raise awareness of legislation, and ensure that the community is informed about political motions that could harm the LGBTQIA+ community. The farm not only provides a safe space for queer community members but is also run by queer and femme partners. They invite those who may not be part of the queer or LGBTQIA+ community to learn and grow alongside those who are, continuing to teach others how to create a positive and safe space for all (Larsen, 2024).
In New Mexico, a queer-owned vegetable farm values the individuality of its employees by reimagining the structure of farming through inclusive practices. The farmers in this space have reported feeling like their authentic selves and no longer face threats of homophobia, racism, sexism, or transphobia. They have implemented a zero-tolerance policy for any abusive behavior or language and do not follow a hierarchical structure. Some of their employees have experienced discrimination in conventional agricultural spaces and are using those experiences to advocate for systemic change. This group recognizes that queer individuals often do not have the same access to funding that is linked to traditional family dynamics, and they help those struggling to secure land due to their queer identity. They also seek to advocate for better working conditions and systemic change in the agricultural industry. Additionally, they are working to provide farmworkers without land access a space to grow (Guardian, 2023).
Part 2: Salt Lake City Farmworker Interviews
Examining local farmworker interviews, we see many of the same issues around gendered labor roles, safety in the workplace, and power dynamics in agricultural experiences. In addition, we noted representation in public leadership positions, and gendered influences more broadly.
Gendered Labor Roles
Gendered labor roles on farms in SLC alco occurred, specifically in regards to daily work on the farm and working with partners, coworkers, and employees. Two interviewees commented on what makes the farm most efficient and what makes sense for the people working on the farm. They discussed how, at times, gendered roles work best, while other times they do not. However, they emphasized that they are not designating certain tasks based on gender, but rather with the person acquired skills and ability to keep production on pace:
“The differences between men and women were highlighted, how we set things up for flow…Let me do the thing I’m good at, you do the thing you’re good at but simultaneously teach me how you’re good at your thing. I’ll teach you how to be good at my thing, but not while we’re trying to get the work done.”
One farmworker discussed the different working environments, whether the environment was male- or female-dominated, and the different gender dynamics that were prevalent in each space, noting how work seemed to be done and how communication differed in each setting:
“Everyone there is like, like very willing to ask for help and like very willing… like if anyone doesn’t know something like help to teach each other and stuff like that. And I… in like a number of like male-dominated workforces or spaces that I have been in, that has not been the case.”
Safety in the Workplace
We heard discussions specifically about men using their position of power to create an unsafe environment for women or people with different cultural backgrounds. There were also feelings of being criticized for being female in the industry and feeling inferior to male counterparts. In the interviews, several farmworkers shared experiences that made them feel unsafe in the workplace:
“He’s also… incredibly culturally insensitive and me… Our whole, my whole experience with him was fraught with never ending arguments and also… and me having to stand up for myself when he would criticize the way that I would do things and the way that I would use my time, and so that had been really stressful, those power dynamics were like very… It was really fraught with a lot of rancor.”
Conversely, two male farmworkers discussed how they try to make the environment feel safer for their employees recognizing the position they are in as a male in agriculture.
An interviewee discussed a friend’s experience with World Wide Opportunities on Organic Farms (WWOOFing), which allows farmworkers to receive housing from the farmer or farm they are working with. Often, these farms are in rural areas, requiring workers to place a great deal of trust in a farmer they don’t know:
“I’ve had some friends who’ve done [WOOFing] who have felt a little unsafe or weird… you are putting a lot of trust in their hands when you go to live at someone’s house and work on their farm.”
Unequal Representation in Public Leadership Positions
Farmworkers commented on local conference panels and discussed the discrimination against women in these panels. Men with lesser degrees made up most of the panel. They mentioned how women are not seen as equals or peers in the eyes of the board or the people who attend the conference:
“Especially at the larger conferences, when you go to a conference and they’ve set up a speaker panel and they have a dude with one year of farming experience and a woman with a PhD and you go, those people are not … They’re not peers.”
One interviewee noted how male-centered the Farm Bureau is and how being a woman presents issues due to legislative control and the influence of big agriculture practices. They mentioned that they are not involved in their local community government, noting that it doesn’t affect them or their farming practices, except for the issue of the lack of gender diversification in leadership positions:
“I think as like a cis person, probably less so, and if I was maybe out in the community advocating for things I could see being a women present itself (as an issue), especially because the legislature, very male, especially in agriculture, like the Farm Bureau, that is very male centric and big ag focused.”
Gendered Influences
In three interviews, gender influences in a family setting were discussed, particularly in how their parents introduced them to different aspects of agriculture. The maternal and paternal approaches to sustainability or traditional agriculture were also discussed. It was noted that binary gender roles were portrayed in how they were taught about agriculture. The farmworkers seemed to have little influence on the binary gender role in agriculture they were taught and how they influence gender in their farm spaces:
“My dad had the sensibility to know that we should be raising our own food because it’s gonna taste better and we should grow a huge garden and our relatives would come up and pick tomatoes, Italians, you know, they love tomatoes… My mom did all the office work, and my dad was always out.”
Power Dynamics in Agriculture
Two of the male farmworkers interviewed mentioned that they recognize the power they have as cisgendered white men but choose to find ways to work in awareness of their privilege. One interviewee was given a job, which they believe was due to the fact that they are a cisgendered white man:
“I’m a cisgender white man. I have the ability to like get power and privilege in a way that I don’t even want or ask for. So… this job kind of fell into my lap.”
While male participants recognize the potential toxicity of the dynamic and work toward creating a better and safer space, their quotes are not free from problematic power dynamics:
“I do think you… maybe you know I don’t… I don’t know how this sounds but I think you just got to be really aware as a male manager your energy around your girls because like if we’re having… if I’m having a bad day that’s going to carry over if I’m stressed.”
In this quote, we see the tension between caring about the female employees the participant manages, and also hearing concepts of power embedded in his use of ‘your girls’. It highlights an embedded possessive dynamic in this use of ‘girls’ as opposed to ‘women’.
These results across both the literature review and the interviews, show themes around gender and sexuality in safety, power dynamics, gender influence in positive and negative ways, and public leadership representation.
Discussion
Gender and sexuality significantly shape the agricultural experience in both the U.S. and Salt Lake City. Across the literature and the farmworker interviews, several recurring themes emerged: gendered labor roles, unsafe work environments, and power dynamics. These patterns reflect broader societal narratives about whose identities are acknowledged and valued within agricultural spaces.
The interviews with SLC farmworkers reinforced many of the national findings while offering important localized insight. While multiple farms reflected traditional gender norms, others demonstrated efforts to move away from binary frameworks in the workplace. Farmworkers described practices like open communication, peer learning, and task-sharing as ways to challenge hierarchical, gendered workplace structures. These approaches suggest that inclusive agricultural spaces are not only possible but are actively being cultivated within the SLC farming community.
One key divergence between the interviews and the literature was the level of engagement with queer identity. The interviews elicited more ideas about gender performance and workplace culture, with limited direct mention of sexuality. This could indicate that queer visibility remains limited within the SLC agricultural landscape, whether due to personal, cultural, or structural factors. Amplifying these stories is essential to creating a more inclusive agricultural sector and dismantling the hierarchies that exclude marginalized farmers. Future research should prioritize the experiences of queer and BIPOC farmers to better understand and address barriers related to land access, healthcare, and representation.
This research also leaves several important questions unanswered. What economic barriers do queer individuals face when trying to access land or funding? How are younger generations of farmers reshaping perceptions of gender and sexuality within agriculture—both in SLC and nationally? With cited fact about the need for more farmers, further investigation into the experiences of queer farmers is essential.
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