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Honors

152 Social Support Across the Cancer Care Continuum in Malawi: Narratives of Cancer Survivors

Abhilasha Khatri; Melissa Watt; Nehal Bakshi; Stephen Kimani; Gita Suneja; Agatha Bula; Mercy Tsidya; Olivia Hanson; Aparna Mangadu; Melissa A. Stockton; and Brandon A. Knettel

In 2020, an estimated 10 million deaths worldwide occurred due to cancer (Sung et al., 2021). As lower and middle income countries experience demographic changes, noncommunicable diseases like cancer will become more prominent in the disease burden (Sung et al., 2021; Ward & Goldie, 2024). The global cancer burden is projected to be 28.4 million cases in 2040, with an increasing share of those cases occurring in LMICs ((Sung et al., 2021). Cancer deaths in LMICs are expected to account for approximately three-quarters of all cancer deaths in 2030 (Pramesh et al., 2022). Cancer patients in LMICs face various barriers to care due to limited public awareness of cancer and inadequate healthcare infrastructure (Anandasabapathy et al., 2024). Multiple studies in LMICs demonstrate there are widespread myths and misinformation about cancer, including the idea that cancer is contagious, that it is untreatable, or can be treated by alternative medicine (Ajith et al., 2023; Bamodu & Chung, 2024; Banning & Hafeez, 2009; Ezeome & Anarado, 2007). Essential medical technology such as imaging, pathology services, and radiotherapy are limited in availability across LMICs, with radiotherapy unavailable in 55 LMICs (Datta et al., 2014). Limited capacity due to lack of technology and inadequate oncology workforce result in limited screenings and delays in diagnosis (Anandasabapathy et al., 2024; Pace et al., 2015). Treatment abandonment is common due to community misbeliefs that drive cancer stigma, as well as costs of treatment.

In this context, social support may act as an important buffer and source of resilience for cancer patients to navigate often lengthy and complicated pathways tocare and to adhere to treatments. Social support, including informational, emotional, and instrumental support, is a resource which could mediate these negative impacts. The aim of this study is to examine the role of social

Social support can be defined as the “perception and actuality that one is cared for, has assistance available from other people, and that one is part of a supportive social network” (House et al., 1988). Historically, the term “social support” was used broadly to describe various aspects of social relationships, but distinctions between different terms have since been clarified in literature. Social integration and social networks are often used to describe the quantity of ties an individual has and the structure of those ties, while social support is used to describe the functional and qualitative aspects of social relationships, including the content and functions of these relationships (House et al., 1988; Muñoz-Laboy et al., 2014; Taylor, 2012).

The functions of social support are often divided into three main categories: informational support (providing advice, knowledge sharing behaviors), emotional support (interactions conveying caring, trust, love), and instrumental support (tangible and practical support) (Cai et al., 2021; Cohen & Wills, 1985; Drageset, 2021; House et al., 1988; Muñoz-Laboy et al., 2014; Taylor, 2012; Wortman, 1984). When applied to the example of breast cancer, informational support may involve a family member giving advice to seek diagnosis based on recognition of changes in the breast as a symptom of cancer; instrumental support may involve providing the means to adhere to treatment by providing transportation or helping to schedule appointments; emotional support could involve encouragement and reinforcement to stay in treatment until completion.

Additionally, social support can refer to both perceived or actual support (Drageset, 2021; Gottlieb & Bergen, 2010). While perceived support refers to the belief that support is available from one’s social network if needed, actual support refers to the mobilization and expression of this support. Studies have demonstrated that perceived support, rather than actual support received, is the quality which is connected to better health and wellbeing (Drageset, 2021; Gottlieb & Bergen, 2010; Taylor, 2012). Social support can be provided formally, through support groups or professionals such as medical providers, and informally, through nonprofessionals like friends and family who provide helping relationships (Drageset, 2021; Gottlieb & Bergen, 2010; Taylor, 2012).

The idea that social participation can have positive effects for individuals is one that dates back to classical sociology, with Emile Durkheim’s assertion that group life can help combat anomie and self-destruction (Berkman et al., 2000; Portes, 1998). The related but distinct concept of social capital was defined by Pierre Bourdieu as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources” linked to a network of relationships (Portes, 1998). Literature on social capital has explored its desirable impacts on various outcomes such as academic performance and occupational attainment (Portes, 1998).

Additionally, the study of social networks in sociology is helpful in understanding the role of social support. Pescosolido (2012) proposed the network-episode model to understand the relationship between an episode of illness and changes to the structure and function of an individual’s social network. The network-episode model is based on the social organization strategy framework, which asserts that when individuals are faced with disruptive events such as diagnosis of an illness, “network ties are selectively activated to help handle problems that exceed one’s personal capacity for coping” (Perry & Pescosolido, 2012). Another framework which can be used to understand social support is the concept of sense of coherence by Antonovsky (Drageset, 2021). With this model, an individual’s sense of coherence consists of the comprehensibility, manageability, and meaningfulness of their life, which is linked to health outcomes. The sense of coherence of individuals is promoted by their access to “generalized resistance resources,” which includes material, ego identity, and social support (Drageset, 2021). From this lens, social support can be viewed as a resource which assists individuals in achieving a sense of coherence about their lives, better equipping them to face life’s stressors.

Relationship Between Social Support & Health

Links between social support and health outcomes have been studied since the 1970s. House (1988) notes that several studies indicate greater social connections being related with lower mortality, while maintaining confounding variables, indicating a strong causal relationship between availability of social support and health. One study examined mortality among a group of older adults as well as their close friends and family and marital status, showing that widowed older adults with fewer than 4 to 6 close relationships had a significantly increased risk of death 10 years later compared to their married counterparts (Manvelian & Sbarra, 2020). Beyond demonstrating positive impacts, studies have explored whether social relationships benefit health through buffering effects, meaning those who are exposed to health stress and have social support are able to avoid or reduce negative health outcomes, or through main effects, meaning those with social support have better health regardless of exposure to stress (Drageset, 2021; Gottlieb & Bergen, 2010; Taylor, 2012). Evidence of both mechanisms have been demonstrated.

The buffering effect is best represented by the seminal paper by Cohen & Willis (1985). The authors’ model suggests social support can buffer stress at the moment of stress appraisal by modifying an individual’s perception of an event as “stressful” by making them feel better equipped to handle it. Social support thus alleviates the impact of stress through minimized reaction to stress and facilitating healthy behaviors to cope (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Several studies have examined the buffering effects of social support on psychological distress. For example, one study among older individuals in nursing homes demonstrated that loneliness is prominent, and social relationships are an important buffer that helps cope with loneliness (Drageset et al., 2015).

Evidence for the “main effect” model can be seen in morbidity and mortality studies. Early work has established the relationship between social support and mortality: high quality or quantity of social networks is associated with decreased risk of mortality compared to those with a lower quantity or quality of social relationships, even when controlling for baseline health (Berkman et al., 2000; Reblin & Uchino, 2008) . Several studies have found social integration to affect mortality from diseases including diabetes, hypertension, and myocardial infarction (Reblin & Uchino, 2008). In one review of 80 studies from 1976 to 1988 on morbidity/mortality and social relationships, more emotional and instrumental support was associated with less physical symptoms including headache, fever, and stomach pain ((Schwarzer & Leppin, 1991). Personal satisfaction with the support received was even more strongly negatively correlated with physical symptoms, reiterating the importance of perceived support.

There are limitations and complications to the positive effects of social support. For example, Taylor (2012) notes that the benefit of having a spouse or a few close friends has been shown, but having a dozen close friends does not continue to have benefits, suggesting social support has benefits up to a certain point after which there are diminishing returns. Social relationships can also have negative impacts through potential for conflict, such as overly intrusive networks of family or friends who might cause an individual to feel overwhelmed by advice and interference during times of stress (Taylor, 2012). Additionally, support providers may sometimes deliver support poorly despite good intentions and effort: they may give bad advice or fail to deliver enough tangible and emotional support (Taylor, 2012). Support providers run the risk of pushing too hard for evidence of the affected person’s recovery, or on the opposite end of the spectrum, may become so overprotective that the affected person begins to resent their implied dependency (Thoits, 1995). This could explain why perceived support, which is simply knowing that support is available, is better correlated with health and wellbeing than actual received support.

The possibilities for social support to do harm rather than good has led to discussion on the instances when it is helpful, and from which sources. Thoits (1995) suggests in her review that helpers may offend victims by claiming understanding without an experiential basis; thus, the most effective support-givers may be “similar others,” or individuals who have faced the same stressful circumstances the victim is facing. This is related to the “matching hypothesis,” suggesting that in order to be supportive, the actions of the social support provider must meet the needs of the recipient (Thoits, 1995). The needs may not be based solely on the function of the support (informational, emotional, instrumental) but also the source of the support. For example, Taylor (2012) suggests emotional support may be valued when received from intimate members of an individual’s social support network, such as a spouse or close friend, but resented when a casual friend tries to provide it. In the same way, informational support may be valued from experts but not when it is provided by friends or family members.

Social Support for Cancer Patients

Social support has been studied in cancer populations. The idea of helpful and unhelpful social support is discussed by Helgeson and Cohen (1996) in their review of social support and cancer. Emotional and instrumental support were perceived to be helpful from any source, while informational support was perceived to be helpful only when the source was a healthcare professional. Emotional support was identified by multiple studies as the most helpful when present and the most detrimental when absent, which manifested in avoidance of the patient, minimizing their problems, and forced optimism (Helgeson & Cohen, 1996). The availability of emotional support showed beneficial effects on the patient’s adjustment. Multiple studies have demonstrated a relationship between social support and breast cancer mortality: engagement in activities such as religious services was associated with lower mortality after breast cancer diagnosis (Beasley et al., 2010), women without close relatives had greater risk of breast cancer and all-cause mortality compared with women with more social ties (Kroenke et al., 2006), and all mortality was greater for women who reported smaller social networks and less social support compared to women who reported more social support (Kroenke et al., 2013). The study by Kroenke (2013) demonstrated that quality of relationships mattered, as women reporting small social networks and high social support did not have a higher risk of mortality compared to those with large networks and high support. The authors also found being a caregiver for others was associated with higher mortality when social support was lacking. A larger social network may buffer the stress of caregiving responsibilities by providing emotional support to the caregiver or alleviating them of some of their responsibilities. Another study by Cai et. al. (2021) characterized classes of informational, emotional, and instrumental support among Chinese breast cancer patients, identifying demographic factors such as education and income which predicted these classes. The authors found patients with high monthly income and adequate health insurance were more likely to belong to the class characterized by high social support, and those in the class characterized by low social support were more likely to report high levels of anxiety and depression.

Studies on social support and health in LMICs are limited. A review by Story (2013) explored studies from LMICs which focused on measures of social capital and health behaviors related to sexual health, HIV, and maternal and child health. Studies demonstrated that improvements in self- rated health and improved child nutrition status showed the strongest associations with social capital (Story, 2013). Another review by Agampodi et. al. (2015) found that only 21 LMICs have evidence on social capital and health based on primary data and that most of the studies reviewed relied on tools originally developed in HICs. The authors suggest that qualitative assessment of social capital may help identify appropriate indicators for the community being studied (Agampodi et al., 2015). In a study by Watt et al., qualitative interviews with cancer survivors in Malawi demonstrated that cancer stigma impacted patients through negative mental health effects, barriers to engaging in care, lack of cancer disclosure, and self-isolation (Watt et al., 2023). Given the potential for social support to have positive impacts on patients’ ability to navigate cancer care and the lack of research in this area in LMICs, the present study addresses an important gap. A qualitative approach is ideal for understanding patients’ self-reported perceptions of social support and gaining detailed insight into an underreported area.

METHODS

Summary

This qualitative study analyzed 29 in-depth interviews with survivors of lymphoma (n=20) and breast cancer (n=9) in Malawi. Analysis focused on the role of informational, emotional, and instrumental support at the stages of diagnosis, initiation of treatment, and retention/completion of treatment. Approval was obtained from the Institutional Review Boards at the University of Utah, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and the Malawi National Human Subject Research Council.

Setting

This study took place in Lilongwe, Malawi. The population of Malawi is 20.8 million and it is a landlocked, rural country in southeastern Africa. The participants all received treatment at Kamuzu Central Hospital (KCH) in Lilongwe. Healthcare in Malawi is provided by the public and private sectors, including traditional healers (Makwero, 2018). The public sector of healthcare is organized into three tiers: primary, secondary, and tertiary levels. There are four tertiary hospitals, one of which is Kamuzu Central Hospital. Local district hospitals often act as referral centers for higher levels of care.

Sample

Individuals were eligible to participate if they were 18 years or older, had a history of a biopsy- proven breast cancer or lymphoma, completed cancer treatment at KCH at least one year prior, and were currently in remission. Participants were selected from existing cohorts of breast cancer and lymphoma patients at KCH, with purposive sampling to provide variety in age and gender, and to identify participants who would be reflective and willing to share their experiences. Participants were compensated with $10 in local currency. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to conducting the interview.

Procedures

Individual in-depth interviews were conducted using a semi-structured guide. The interview guide was written to elicit personal narratives of cancer survivorship, including the impact of diagnosis and treatment on quality of life, experiences with cancer care delivery, and relationships with caregivers. Interviews were conducted either in person in a private room at the site of clinical care (n=11) or over the phone (n=18), with no significant differences in patient demographics or interview length between the two methods. Interviews lasted 55 minutes on average. Audio recordings of the interviews were transcribed and translated from Chichewa to English by study staff.

Data Analysis

Interviews were analyzed using an applied thematic analysis approach (Guest et al., 2012), with a goal to explore the role of social support across the cancer care continuum. To examine this topic in-depth across participant data, and to identify emerging themes, we wrote detailed memos for each transcript. The memos were organized by stages along the cancer care continuum: pathway to diagnosis, initiation of cancer treatment, and retention/completion of treatment. The diagnosis stage was conceptualized as the time leading up to official cancer diagnosis; the initiation of treatment stage was conceptualized as the time after diagnosis up to beginning medical treatment for cancer; the retention and completion of treatment stage was conceptualized as the time from beginning medical cancer treatment to completion of treatment. At each of the stages, we synthesized the participant data into categories of “barriers” and “facilitators,” and included representative quotes to support the description of the patient experience. The goal of the memo writing was to fully synthesize each transcript in a common framework and to retain the core meaning of the patient narrative so that the memos could be analyzed directly, with the original transcript referred to only as needed.It took approximately three hours to write each memo, and the memos were on average 6 pages (Range: 3-9).

The memos were coded using NVivo 14 software. Codes included emotional, informational, and instrumental support at the stages of diagnosis, initiation, and retention/completion of cancer treatment, and a code for opportunities to increase social support. Coded data were retrieved and synthesized to identify overall patterns of social support at each stage.

RESULTS

The sample consisted of 20 lymphoma survivors and 9 breast cancer survivors. The sample included 17 females and 12 males, with a median age of 45 years old. Participant characteristics are shown in Table 1.

Table 1. Baseline Participant Characteristics

The interviews suggested that the social support individuals received differed across the cancer care continuum (Figure 1; Table 2). At the stage of diagnosis, informational support emerged as key. Informational support allowed patients to recognize symptoms and seek out healthcare. This sometimes co-occurred with instrumental support, such as transportation and advocating for timely procedures. Emotional support did not emerge at this stage. At the stage of initiation of care, emotional support was important. This came in the form of encouragement from the patients’ social support network to begin medical treatment, often co-occurring with informational support based on knowledge of cancer treatment and survivors. In some cases, informational support was unhelpful and advised patients against starting treatment. Instrumental support did not emerge at this stage. At the stage of retention and completion of care, all three forms of social support emerged, with instrumental support being the most mentioned, followed by emotional support, with the two co-occurring at times. Instrumental support included assistance with activities of daily living such as cooking and bathing, as well as treatment adherence through appointment tracking and transportation. Emotional support included encouragement to continue treatment, as well as companionship and reassurance.image

Figure 1. Patterns of Social Support Across the Cancer Care Continuum

Note. Only the most prominent forms of social support at each stage are displayed and described.

Table 2. Representative Quotes Illustrating the Impact of Social Support across the Cancer Care Continuum

Social

Support Leading up to Diagnosis

The most prominent form of social support during the survivors’ pathways to diagnosis was informational support, sometimes co-occurring with instrumental support. The most common instances of informational support were: family members or friends who provided knowledge of hospitals to go to receive care and family or friends suggesting going to the hospital based on the patient’s symptoms.

Informational Support at Diagnosis

During their pathway to diagnosis, survivors were advised by members of their social network, including family or friends, about which hospitals to attend to seek care. Recommendations were based on the social network member’s experience with the hospital.

He [patient’s brother] said he had a friend who got injured and was assisted at the Daeyang hospital. He gave us the map on how to get there. So, my mother and I set off for the Daeyang hospital. (male, lymphoma survivor)

In multiple cases, the symptoms survivors experienced were recognized by network members, prompting them to suggest seeking out medical care and obtaining a diagnosis.

Yes, so when I saw it myself, I then showed my in-law, my brother … They said, ‘You should go to a big hospital, maybe this is a disease…’ So, I didn’t take long. I searched for transport to reach here at Kamuzu Central Hospital. (female, 51 years old, breast cancer)

Some survivors received advice which discouraged or delayed their journey to receiving a cancer diagnosis. One survivor was advised by her family to repeat her biopsy due to disbelief that she could be diagnosed with cancer, based on lack of family history of cancer and general mistrust of the lab results due to the wait time, which was one month.

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RANGE: Undergraduate Research Journal 2025 Copyright © 2025 by University of Utah is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.